The Anschluss
Following the First World War, there was a strong political desire in Austria for unification with Germany. This sentiment, coupled with antisemitism that had become rampant in Austria, provided Hitler with an opportunity to achieve one of his primary goals; the incorporation of his homeland into the Third Reich. On March 12th, 1938, the German Wehrmacht marched across the southern German border into Austria. The annexation, known as the “Anschluss”, was carried out peacefully as the Austrian military offered no formal resistance. Whether Austria fell victim to Nazi aggression or was complicit in its own annexation has been a hotly disputed subject among historians. This paper will contend that Austria fell victim to coercive foreign policy and was effectively forced into submitting to the Nazi regime.
In Vienna, the troops were greeted by cheering crowds waving Nazi flags. Many Historians consider this an overwhelming show of support. Historian István Deák argues that public opinion in Austria was supportive of the Nazi regime, which only became evident following the invasion. However, there is scant evidence that a majority of the Austrian people welcomed Nazi rule into their country. In the absence of reliable data, historians offer conflicting accounts. Thomas Weyr claims that Austrians were opposed to Nazi rule and cites that the Austrian Nazis were a “splinter group” with little popular support. In the general election of 1930, the Austrian Nazi party failed to secure any seats in parliament. Others have argued that support for unification was widespread going back to the aftermath of WWI, but waned with Hitler’s rise to power in 1933. American Journalist John Gunther, wrote “in 1932 Austria was probably eighty per cent pro-Anschluss” but by the end of 1933 the majority of Austrians opposed annexation. In his view “public opinion was at least 60% anti-annexation” by that time. What is clear is that the Nazis pursued extensive propaganda in Austria to garner support for unification, before and after. “Ein Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer” ("One People, One Empire, One Leader") appeared on countless posters throughout Austria in the years preceding the invasion. Hitler asserted that “certain foreign newspapers have said that we fell on Austria with brutal methods. I can only say: even in death, they cannot stop lying. I have in the course of my political struggle won much love from my people, but when I crossed the former frontier (into Austria) there met me such a stream of love as I have never experienced. Not as tyrants have we come, but as liberators."
On March 9th 1938, succumbing to domestic pressure from the Austrian Nazi Party, Chancellor Schuschnigg called a referendum on unification. Enraged, Hitler demanded Schuschnigg’s resignation and threatened to invade Austria immediately. He also affirmed that Germany would never recognize the results of the referendum. On March 11th Hitler sent Schuschnigg an ultimatum. Schuschnigg was told to either abdicate power to Austrian Nazis or Germany would invade Austria. Hitler’s virulent response to the proposed referendum lays bare his fear that Austrians would vote in favour of an independent Austria. American Journalist Edgar Mowrer concluded "There is no one in all of France who does not believe that Hitler invaded Austria not to hold a genuine plebiscite, but to prevent the plebiscite planned by Schusschnigg from demonstrating to the entire world just how little hold National Socialism really had on that tiny country." After the invasion, on April 10th 1938, Hitler held his own referendum on his own terms. 99.7% of votes were in favour of unification. However, these results are deeply flawed. Voting was not confidential. Voters were intimidated by the presence of officials who observed how each citizen voted. The ballot itself was misleading. It presented unification as a fait accompli the box where voters could indicate support was larger than the box to indicate opposition. These methods of rigging the referendum proved very effective. However, a detailed analysis of the results reveals that the true sentiment of the population was not captured by the referendum. In smaller towns where coercion and voter suppression were not as prevalent, many Austrians voted in favour of independence. In the village of Innervillgraten, for instance, 95% voted in favour of independence.
While there is no reliable evidence of the extent of support prior to the invasion, historians point to events that followed as indications of popular support. Following the Anschluss countless Austrians signed up to join the NSDAP. Rathkolb indicates “hundreds of thousands of Austrians put their names down to apply for NSDAP membership.” Rathkolb also claims that the absence of Austrian resistance illustrates support for the Nazi regime. He points to resistance movements in France, Poland and Norway and concludes that the Austrian people largely favoured German occupation. However, these countries were not subjected to conscription as Austria was. As a result, Austria was unable to call upon the same man power to participate in a meaningful resistance. Additionally, resistance movements were less likely to garner meaningful support as many had family in the Wehrmacht. To mount resistance would likely involve killing German soldiers and by extension Austrians; making resistance a very unpopular prospect. Rathkolb points to the important role Austrians played in the Nazi war machine: “Austrians involved in the occupation included not only ordinary Wehrmacht soldiers, but also a large number of SS who were part of the Holocaust machinery.” This is supported by Berger, who notes that many of the figures involved in planning and executing [Hitler’s] final solution had been Austrian. However, a key weakness in the argument of historians that cast Austria as an ally of Nazi Germany is a lack of a differentiated understanding of the political views of different segments of the population. While many were eager to join the Nazi Party, many others suffered at the hands of the Hitler regime. Deak identifies specific groups that were victimized by the Nazis and points to pockets of resistance: “many individual Austrians fell victim to Nazi terror, and eventually there would arise a fair number of true Austrian resisters. In 1938, the Gestapo arrested thousands of Socialists, Catholics, and monarchists as well as leading figures of the pre-1938 anti-Nazi Catholic authoritarian state.”
There are also conflicting accounts of the role of the Austrian government and elite. Historians have argued that the rise of Austro-Fascists was emblematic of a greater movement within Austria towards more “Nazi like” politics. However, Austro-Facsim differed significantly from Nazism. Schuschnigg often referred to Austria as “the better German state” and used the police to suppress support for German Nazism.
Deák nevertheless argues that the Austrian government was complicit when he asserts that “if not for the immense support for the Anschluss in the Austrian cabinet, the Anschluss may have required force.”Weyr disagrees. In his book, “The Setting of the Pearl”, he contends that the upper echelons of Austrian society and the political elite actively opposed Austro-German unification. Weyr claims that Hitler used “threats, coercion and deceit” to achieve his goal of annexation. Yet despite the immense political, social, and military pressure, the Austrian government remained determined to fend off annexation. Two months before the Wehrmacht crossed into Austria Hitler summoned Schuschnigg for lunch. Schuschnigg was presented with a set of demands and the aforementioned ultimatum. Hitler brought three German generals to the meeting. Their presence was intended to lend weight to the threat of invasion. According to Weyr, Schusschnigg’s determined opposition throughout the lunch enraged Hitler who exclaimed “do you want me to attack Austria with bombs and grenades?”. Schuschnigg ultimately recognized that the incorporation of Austria into the Third Reich was inevitable and that resistance would be futile when he wrote that “for the Third Reich, the Anschluss in some form or another was only a question of timing” and “the Nazis were intent on making the invasion seem peaceful to the international community”.
It seems evident that positive sentiment towards unification following WWI, despite the prohibition of the Treaty of Versailles, as well as widespread antisemitism provided a fertile ground of public support for Hitler to absorb Austria into the Reich. However, definitive evidence that a majority of the Austrian population supported the Anschluss is lacking. Furthermore, the elected Austrian government mounted a stiff diplomatic resistance to Hitler’s demands for an annexation. Ultimately, the Anschluss was forced both on the Austrian government and the population as a whole.
Sources:
Monographs:
Deak, Istvan. Europe on Trial: The Story of Collaboration, Resistance, and Retribution During World War II. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2015.
Rathkolb, Oliver. “The Anschluss in the Rear-View Mirror, 1938-2008: Historical Memories between Debate and Transformation.” New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2009.
Schmidt, Elfriede. 1938...and the Consequences: Questions and Responses. Edited by Peter J. Lyth. Riverside, California: Ariadne Press, 1988.
Weyr, Thomas. The Setting of the Pearl: Vienna Under Hitler. New York: Oxford University Press, 2005
Journal Articles:
Berger, Thomas U. War, Guilt, and World Politics after World War II. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139109437. Bishof, Gunther. “Victims? Perpetrators? ‘Punching Bags’ of European Historical Memory? The Austrians and Their World War II Legacies.” German Studies Review 27, no. 1 (2004): 17–32. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1433546.
Vansant, Jacqueline. "Challenging Austria's Victim Status: National Socialism and Austrian Personal Narratives." The German Quarterly 67, no. 1 (1994): 38-57.
Primary Sources:
Gunter, John. Inside Europe. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1936.
Schuschnigg, Kurt Von. The Brutal Takeover: The Austrian Ex-Chancellor’s Account of the Anschluss of Austria by Hitler. New York: Atheneum, 1969.
Austrian Resistance Archive. Die propagandistische Vorbereitung der Volksabstimmung. Vienna: Austrian Government, 1988.
Other:
Mowrer, Edgar. CBS World Roundup Broadcast. Paris: Columbia Broadcasting System, March 13, 1938. Television.
Welch, Professor David. “History - World Wars: Nazi Propaganda.” BBC. BBC, February 17, 2011. http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/nazi_propaganda_gallery_03.shtml.
Appendix
Figure #1 - “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer” ("One People, One Empire, One Leader") Poster
Source: BBC
Figure #2 - Referendum Ballot
Description:
The ballot asks “Do you agree with the reunification of Austria with the German Reich that was enacted on 13 March 1938, and do you vote for the party of our leader Adolf Hitler?”
In order to indicate in favour of reunification voters would place a mark within the larger circle in the centre. In order to express opposition voters would place a mark in the small circle in the corner.
Source: BBC
